In Arunachal, the Idu Mishmis are protesting a proposed tiger reserve

On March 24, the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) chief SP Yadav said that the Dibang Wildlife Sanctuary in Arunachal Pradesh would soon be notified as a tiger reserve. The announcement has caused disquiet among the area’s Idu Mishmi people, who feel that a tiger reserve would “hinder their access” to the forest.

Who are the Idu Mishmis, what is their relationship with the forest and why are they resisting the proposed tiger reserve?

The Idu Mishmi, the ‘tiger brothers’

The Idu Mishmi is a sub-tribe of the larger Mishmi group (the other two Mishmi groups are Digaru and Miju) in Arunachal Pradesh and neighbouring Tibet. Known for their weaving and craftsmanship skills, the Idu Mishmis primarily live in Mishmi Hills, bordering Tibet. Their ancestral homelands are spread over the districts of Dibang Valley and Lower Dibang Valley as well as parts of Upper Siang and Lohit. The tribe is estimated to comprise around 12,000 people (as per census 2011), and their language (also called Idu Mishmi) is considered endangered by UNESCO.

Traditionally animists, the tribe has strong ties with the region’s rich flora and fauna. Animals such as the hoolock gibbons and tigers have deep cultural relations with the Idu Mishmi. Tigers are especially important to the Idu Mishmis — according to Idu mythology, they were born to the same mother, and thus, tigers are their “elder brothers”.

While hunting has traditionally been a way of life, the Idu Mishmis also follow a strict belief system of myths and taboos — ‘iyu-ena’ — that restrict them from hunting many animals, including a complete prohibition on killing tigers. Anthropologists and other researchers who have studied the area say that this belief system has led to a unique model of wildlife conservation. “Idu beliefs concerning tigers prevent their widespread and immediate retaliatory killing…it is because of these cultural beliefs that tigers thrive in these areas,” wrote Dr Sahil Nijhawan, who did his PhD in the Dibang Valley, in his research on the subject.

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in April 2023. Full article here.

Why annual floods are essential for the survival of Kaziranga National Park

We explain the role of floods in Kaziranga’s ecosystem, how increasing high floods can become a problem, and what can be done to keep it in check.

As a fresh wave of floods ravages Assam, killing 73 and affecting nearly 40 lakh people across the state, 85 per cent of the Kaziranga National Park and Tiger Reserve (KNPTR) remains submerged. On Thursday, Assam Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal visited the park to take stock of the situation. So far, 125 animals have been rescued and 86 have died, including rhinos, deer and wild boar, in the sixth worst flood since 1988.

Yet, the annual deluge is considered essential for the survival of the UNESCO World Heritage Site. We explain the role of floods in Kaziranga’s ecosystem, how increasing high floods can become a problem, and what can be done to keep it in check.

What is the role of floods in Kaziranga’s ecosystem?

Assam is traditionally flood prone, and the 1,055 sq km KNPTR — sandwiched between the Brahmaputra river and the Karbi Anglong Hills — is no exception. Among experts there is a consensus that floods are necessary for Kaziranga by virtue of its ecosystem. “It is a riverine ecosystem, not a solid landmass-based ecosystem,” said P Sivakumar, Director, KNPTR, “The system won’t survive without water.” The entire area of Kaziranga — formed by alluvial deposits from the Brahmaputra and its tributaries — is centred around the river.

According to Uttam Saikia, Honorary Wildlife Warden of Kaziranga, this “floodplain eco system” has not only been created by floods but also feeds off it.

The regenerative nature of floods helps replenish Kaziranga’s water bodies and maintain its landscape, a mix of wetlands, grasslands and semi-evergreen deciduous forests. Saikia said the floodwaters also function as a breeding ground for fish. “The same fish are carried away by the receding waters into the Brahmaputra — in a way, the park replenishes the river’s stock of fish too,” he said.

The waters also help get rid of unwanted plants such as water hyacinth which collect in huge masses in the landscape. “In a herbivore-dominated area like Kaziranga, it is important we maintain its grassland status. If it were not for the annual floods, the area would become a woodland,” said Sivakumar.

Many also believe that floods are a way of natural selection. “A number of animals — especially the old, weak — cannot survive the floods. Only the ones with superior genes survive,” said Rabindra Sarma, Wildlife Research Officer at KNPTR since 1998.

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in July 2020. Full article here.

Explained: Why Assam is prone to floods, and what the solution is

A look at why Assam has traditionally been flood-prone, what measures have been taken over the years, and what has been proposed as a long-term solution.

Assam is in the grip of yet another flood, with 57 lakh people affected across all 33 districts, and 36 people killed besides hundreds of animals. This is the first wave of floods this monsoon, and flood control experts expect at least two more. A look at why Assam has traditionally been flood-prone, what measures have been taken over the years, and what has been proposed as a long-term solution:

Why are floods so destructive in Assam?

Apart from incessant rainfall during the monsoon, there are many contributory factors, natural and man-made. At the crux is the very nature of the river Brahmaputra —dynamic and unstable. Its 580,000 sq km basin spreads over four countries: China, India, Bangladesh and Bhutan, with diverse environments.

The Brahmaputra features among the world’s top five rivers in terms of discharge as well as the sediment it brings. At 19,830 cubic meters per second (cumec), it ranks fourth in discharge at the mouth, behind only the Amazon (99,150 cumec), the Congo (39,660 cumec) and the Yangtze (21,800 cumec), according to data from a 2008 research paper by retired Gauhati University professor Dulal Chandra Goswami, an environmentalist acknowledged as an authority on the Brahmaputra. In terms of sediment yield, two spots along the Brahmaputa’s course were at second and third places in 2008, behind the Yellow River whose annual sediment yield is 1,403 tonnes per sq km. The Brahmaputra’s annual sediment yield was 1,128 tonnes per sq km at Bahadurabad of Bangladesh, and 804 tonnes per sq km at Pandu of Guwahati.

How do these characteristics of the river relate to flooding?

The vast amount of sediment comes from Tibet, where the river originates. “That region is cold, arid and lacks plantation. Glaciers melt, soil erodes and all of it results in a highly sedimented river,” said Dhrubajyoti Borgohain, a retired chief engineer of the Brahmaputra Board, a central government body functioning under the Jal Shakti Ministry’s Department of Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation, and whose responsibilities include flood control in the Brahmaputra basin.

By the time the river enters Assam — a state comprising primarily floodplains surrounded by hills on all sides — it deposits vast amounts of this silt, leading to erosion and floods. “As the river comes from a high slope to a flat plain, its velocity decreases suddenly and this results in the river unloading the sediment,” said Borgohain. The river’s channels prove inadequate amid this siltation, leading to floods.

Again, because of the earthquake-prone nature of the region, the river has not been able to acquire a stable character. Following the devastating earthquake of 1950, the level of the Brahmaputra rose by two metres in Dibrugarh area in eastern Assam.

Besides these natural factors are the man-made ones — habitation, deforestation, population growth in catchment areas (including in China) — which lead to higher sedimentation. For example, the sediment deposition itself creates temporary sandbars or river islands.

It is common for people to settle in such places, which restricts the space the river has to flow. When rainfall is heavy, it combines with all these factors and leads to destructive floods. This happens very frequently.

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in July 2019. Full article here.

Feminist icons or violent vigilantes? The contentious role of Meira Paibis in Manipur’s conflict

This article won the Laadli Media Award 2024 for gender sensitive reporting, and was originally published on Scroll.in in August 2023. 
Celebrated for long as the torchbearers of Manipur, Meitei women groups now stand accused of blocking the army and egging on violence against Kuki-Zo women.

On an overcast July afternoon, a line of military vehicles piled up on a highway in Manipur’s Bishnupur district. For hours, the commanding officer, seated in the vehicle leading the convoy, had been trying to get through to the other side. Blocking his way was a group of stick-wielding, resolute-faced women, holding his gaze, watching his every move.

The impasse continued till one woman broke away from the crowd, and angrily shouted at the officer: “We are hungry now, get out from here. Niklo yahaan se.”

The officer, his expression stolid behind his sunglasses, observed them in silence for a few minutes, then revved up his car. The vehicles behind him followed suit. “They are defeating their own cause,” he said, before making a U-turn.

On this stretch of National Highway 2, the only road that connects the Meitei-dominated Imphal valley to the Kuki-Zo hills of Churachandpur, it is the Meira Paibis – the women torch-bearers of Manipur – who are in charge.

Every passing vehicle – civilian or military – is stopped and inspected by the group of women. Even those coming in and out of the district hospital, a few hundred metres from the site of the blockade, cannot bypass their hawk-eyed scrutiny.

“We trust no one,” said Thiyam Jovia, a 35-year-old housewife who is a part of the group.

While the initial searches were for “Kuki militants”, whom they blame for starting the violence on May 3, much of their ire is now reserved for the Indian Army and paramilitary forces like the Assam Rifles.

“We are watching the news… these army forces are not with the Meiteis,” said Jovia. “They have betrayed us, they are helping the other side.”

It is a sentiment that echoes through the Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley that for three months now, has been at war with the Kuki-Zos, the ethnically-related tribal communities that live primarily in the hills south of the valley. In this battle, hundreds of women like Jovia are out on the highways during the day, and patrolling the streets of their localities by night. They are the first line of defence for their community, a role they take to heart.

“We Meira Paibis are not afraid of anything,” said Leibak Leima. On a July evening, the 65-year-old was the first to reach her Imphal locality’s all-women night vigil. In a small shed by the side of the road, she and her neighbours sat well past midnight to guard their leikai, or locality as it is called in Meitei. “Give us guns, and we will be ready to fight,” she said. “In difficult situations, do not underestimate the strength of a Meitei woman.”

That is borne out by history. From colonial forces to the mighty Indian state, the Meira Paibis have taken on many powers.

In the early 1900s, they successfully got the British to retract an exploitative colonial labour policy. Three decades later, they rose up against the maharaja’s oppressive economic regime in the erstwhile kingdom of Kangleipak. These revolts are famously known as Nupi Laan, or the Women’s War.

In the 2000s, when the insurgency was at its peak in the state, as were alleged instances of human rights violations by the state then completely under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, their iconic protest against sexual violence gave them legend-like status.

However, in the divisive ethnic war that has engulfed Manipur for three months now, the role of the women icons has become contentious. The Indian Army has called out the Meira Paibis for disrupting peace-making efforts. On some occasions, the security forces alleged, they have shielded armed insurgents, blocked highways disrupting passage of food and other essential supplies to different parts of the state. On Thursday, a group of Meira Paibis clashed with security forces as they attempted to storm a proposed burial site for Kuki-Zo victims of the ethnic violence.

Most disturbingly, throughout this conflict, Meira Paibis have been accused of participating in violence against women.

In Manipur last month, Scroll met four Kuki-Zo women, who recounted in great detail the brutal assaults they had suffered at the hands of mobs. In two cases, the women told Scroll that Meitei women were part of the mob, egging the men on to hurt them. In one case, a 19-year-old alleged that the women themselves – dressed in traditional phaneks – beat her up. In a police complaint, the woman identified the assaulters as Meira Paibis.

Scroll spoke to several Meitei women about their participation in the conflict – and the disquiet expressed about their role.

A decentralised network

On a Tuesday morning, a 40-year-old government school teacher in Imphal’s Uripok along with hundreds of women in her locality diverted traffic from the road for a rally to condole the death of a 19-year-old Meitei student – allegedly killed by Kukis a few days earlier.

Her traditional phanek tied to her waist, a paste of sandalwood smeared on her cheeks, she was ready for a long day ahead. For the last three months, she said, she has played multiple roles: wife to her husband, mother to her two children, teacher to her students – and most importantly, a “protector to my community”.

Yes, it was tiring, she said – “but I am ready to sacrifice my time. I want to be here.”

Critics may argue that she has little choice.

As an adult married woman, the 40-year-old is a Meira Paibi by default, and thereby, bound by the unwritten rules of Meitei society, where women have to rally together in difficult times.

While it is married women who automatically become members of Meira Paibi groups, younger, unmarried women can also get involved.

An Imphal-based academic, a Meitei woman, explained: “A woman’s participation in Meira Paibi activity is mandatory.’’

Anything less, she said, was frowned upon, especially in times of conflict.

She, too, has been out on the streets, taking turns with two other women members in her house. The duty roster drawn up by her locality’s Meira Paibi group makes no distinction: by profession or age.

“It does not matter if you are a professor, an IAS officer or a doctor – in tough times, you have to stand with your community,” she said.

As the Meira Paibis did, during the four-month long protests for the enforcement of the Inner Line Permit regime in the state in 2015, or against the human rights violations when the state was under AFSPA.

The Meira Paibis had first banded together to fight social evils of alcoholism and drug addiction in the 1980s – back then they were known as “nisabandis”.

The movement soon dovetailed into protests against the Indian state.

Almost 20 years ago, Ema Lourembam Nganbi had, along with 12 other mothers or “Emas”, stripped naked in front of the historic Kangla Fort, the then headquarters of the Assam Rifles, to protest the brutal killing and rape of suspected insurgent Thangjam Manorama.

Then in her fifties, standing naked in front of the fort’s gate, Nganbi had shouted in English: “Rape us, kill us.” The men in uniform awkwardly looked away, she recalled. The episode went on to become a watershed moment in Manipur’s long fight against the AFSPA.

“How can I ever forget that day?” Nganbi said, when Scroll met her at a blockade in Bishnupur district. “It was something we had to do. AFSPA had made too many widows, killed too many of our innocent men, raped our women. Manorama, Chanu Rose…” – she counted them on her fingers – “Do you expect us to trust the forces after all this?”

Nganbi said that the iconic protest “was not for Meitei women alone, but women across all the 30-plus tribes of Manipur”, adding that Meira Paibis fight for both women and community.

What then does she feel about the several damning allegations against Meira Paibis? Nganbi said, “If they [alleged perpetrators] are in the wrong, [police] investigation will find it.” Then, echoing her community’s view, she added: “But remember… in this war, Meiteis did not attack the Kukis first; they [Kukis] started it. We are innocent.”

A streak of vigilantism

The Meira Paibis, as we know them today, “came into existence to stop atrocities of the security forces committed against innocent civilians”, academic L Basanti Devi wrote in her 2021 article Encountering the State in Manipur: A Political History of Women in Public Space.

In more recent times, with the insurgency on the decline, the women have assumed a more vigilante role, playing referee on a range of domestic issues, from land disputes to lovers’ tiffs.

Today, every leikai (colony) in Imphal is represented by a local unit of the Meira Paibis. The leikai is the first unit of organisation, and every Meira Paibi’s primary allegiance is to the person heading the leikai.

It is the leikai leader, often the oldest woman in the area, who calls for women to gather, usually by hitting an electric pole with a stick or a stone.

The sound, the Imphal-based academic said, is a signal to the women in the neighbourhood to “drop whatever they are doing”, and come out. In the last three months, she said, the pole in her locality has clanged “innumerable” times, especially in the first few weeks of the conflict.

“It has been especially terrible to hear the sound these days – the situation is so tense that you know they can’t be calling you out for anything good,” she said.

Still, she said, it is natural for women like her to want to help. “This is what our mothers and grandmothers have been doing for years. So why shouldn’t we?” she asked.

Moreover, she added, families who don’t send out women are charged a fine. More than the money, it is the shame associated with being the odd one out. “It will be definitely frowned upon if you don’t turn up,” she said.. “But to be honest, there are no families who do not want to send their women out… at least in my locality.”

A Meitei woman activist in Imphal – not actively involved with the Meira Paibis – said that sometimes the Meira Paibis’ actions tend to border on vigilantism.

She recalled how a group of women arrived at her doorstep raising money to buy arms last month. “I refused initially but then ultimately had to give in,” she said. “If I don’t, I will get into trouble, my family will get into trouble.”

Not immune to pressures

Without a unified central command, hundreds of leikai-level groups dot the landscape of the Imphal valley, making the Meira Paibis a part of an amorphous decentralised network.

The movement is not immune to outside pressures, either. It is quite common for the state’s powerful civil society groups, often backed by politicians, to call the shots in local Meira Paibi units.

According to the Meitei activist, different groups can use their influence over the Meira Paibis to do their bidding. “Unfortunately, many get brainwashed, and easily influenced by the locality leaders,” she said.

To illustrate this, many people Scroll spoke to in Imphal referred to the incident on June 30 when Chief Minister Biren Singh was supposedly headed to Raj Bhavan to hand over his resignation. He was waylaid by hundreds of Meitei women, some of whom tore up his resignation letter. He ultimately did not resign.

“You would think the women are making the decisions – when it is actually the men who are controlling them,” said the Meitei activist, suggesting that the protest was not entirely organic. “Our women have incredible courage, they participate in every single struggle… that is why they are put on the front line. But, unfortunately, women are used as pawns in the game, while men remain in the shadows.”

Caught in the middle

Since the ethnic clashes between Meiteis and Kuki-Zo communities, the mistrust between the Meira Paibis and the central security forces has sharpened.

In Imphal’s Uripok, 70-year-old Tejapati, a Meira Paibi, spelt it out: “The forces do not support us, they only support the Kukis because they have a pact with them.”

She was referring to the Suspension of Operations agreement, the peace deal the Centre signed with the Kuki militant groups in 2008, as the reason for this bias. Meitei insurgent groups have never come to the table for talks.

As a result, the Meira Paibis argue, the army handles the Kuki militant groups with kid gloves, often at the cost of the Meiteis. Calls to abrogate the pact have resounded across the Imphal valley since the initial days of the conflict.

The forces, in particular the Assam Rifles, which is the operational command of the Indian Army, say they are caught in the middle.

An Indian Army official posted in Imphal, who declined to be identified, said they were facing “trying times”. “We are not Kuki’s army, or the Meitei’s army… we are the Indian Army, and we are only trying to ensure everyone’s, regardless of community, peace and security,” he said.

According to him, partisan media reports and rumours had “fuelled mistrust against the security forces”, undermining their “hard-earned” credibility.

In June, the rift came to such a head that the Army released a video statement outlining the challenges. It said a stand-off with a 1,200-1,500 women-led mob in Itham on June 23 forced them to “release” 12 cadres of banned insurgent group Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup – including the mastermind of a 2015 ambush case.

A few days later, the Dimapur-based III Corps of the Indian Army (also known as Spear Corps) put out a tweet, complete with video illustrations, of how the women were interfering in their operations by accompanying armed rioters in vehicles, blocking entry of forces in riot-hit areas, interfering in the movement of logistics by digging up roads, among other things.

Such actions, the Imphal-based Army official alleged, were meant to aid the valley-based retired Meitei insurgents who had reactivated themselves in this conflict. “The Kuki militants had already joined the fray, and the defunct valley-based ones saw it as a good time to jump in,” he said. “They want a safe corridor to go join the fight. Who to use to ensure that? The Meira Paibis.”

The insurgent groups, the army official said, are using various Meira Paibi groups to shield themselves. In the heyday of the insurgency, when the Indian state combed towns and villages across Manipur to pick up Meitei youths on suspicion of being insurgents, the Meira Paibi are reported to have played a similar role: they took the security forces head on to block their operations.

A movement ‘independent of gender’

On July 15, Lucy Marem, a Maring Naga woman, was killed near the foothills of Keibi Heikak Mapal village in Imphal East district, after a group of women allegedly handed her over to armed miscreants. Marem’s death elicited strong reactions from the Naga community in Manipur, the third major ethnic community in Manipur, one which has remained neutral in this conflict so far.

The United Naga Council, the apex body of the Nagas, issued a statement, calling out the Meira Paibis. “It is unimaginable for a women’s organisation like Meira Paibis, who profess to be torch bearers of peace, partaking in acts of such killings,” the statement said.

Indeed, this has vexed many people, particularly those outside the state: How could a women’s organisation with such a rich history of standing up against injustice be party to crimes against women?

Senior Meira Paibis and Meitei civil society leaders Scroll met cited “lack of organisation” and the “decentralised structure” of the movement as a reason for the alleged transgressions.

Khuraijam Athaouba, who is the spokesperson of the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity, or Cocomi, an umbrella organisation of six groups representing Meiteis said: “What happened in Imphal [during the initial days] was a spontaneous response of common people.” He added: “That is why there are so many irregularities in the way people behaved.”

Ema Lungwaleima, a Meira Paibi in her sixties, agreed. “No one was prepared … no one knew that a warlike situation was imminent. Since it happened suddenly, people took up their own ways to protect themselves,” she said. “Maybe their own family members were killed and hurt, and it could have entirely been an emotional reaction… a lot happened in Churachandpur [where the Meiteis are a minority] too.”

However, conversations with many Meira Paibis made it quite clear that most of them were not guided by feminist principles. It was the community that took precedence over gender for most women’s groups in Manipur. As this article by Meitei academic Kapil Arambam notes, the Meira Paibi movement is “independent of gender”.

The Imphal-based academic also said she would “refrain from describing Meira Paibis as feminists”. “Sure, it is a women’s movement but most of the causes they espouse are for the community,” she said. “They hardly talk about themselves, their bodily rights, their reproductive rights. Perhaps the 2004 Kangla Fort protest was one of the few times that they spoke out against sexual violence women faced.”

Added the activist: “It’s not as much about women as it is about identity.”

The tide of allegations against the Meira Paibis has prompted other civil society organisations to intervene.

In May, the Cocomi formed a women’s wing to “streamline the movement”, among other things. Ema Lungwaleima, who is the general secretary of the wing, said she was going to neighbourhoods asking people not to indulge in mob violence. “I’m trying to mobilise them to work together.”

An activist, who works with Meira Paibis in Bishnupur, admitted that many women were involved in things “they were not supposed to be involved in”. “But they don’t speak for the whole community,” she said.

The other Meitei woman activist in Imphal, who is not actively involved with the Meira Paibis, said there was disquiet within the Meira Paibi groups, too. “Sometimes during our long conversations, some do admit their discomfort about the role of the Meira Paibis,” she said. “Behind closed doors, they condemn such incidents [against women] and tell me to continue to speak out. ‘It’s difficult for us to say certain things,’ they tell me.”

A breakdown of old alliances

Angom Nayani grew up in one of the Meitei-dominated pockets that dot the hills of Churachandpur, her home for more than half a century. She fled the violence that broke out on the evening of May 3 and reached Moirang in the neighbouring district of Bishnupur.

Nayani, an active member of the Meira Paibi community, has lived in Churachandpur since she was six; she is now 60. “I left my life behind,” she said. That included not just the grocery store she ran, but also friendships, mostly with women from the Kuki-Zo community. “Initially, when the violence first erupted, I would still get calls from my friends asking me if I was okay,” Nayani recalled. But gradually, the calls reduced, before stopping altogether.

Angom Nayani, a Meira Paibi, lived in Kuki-dominated Churachandpur for most of her life.

Nayani rues not just the loss of these personal bonds but also the solidarity of women across ethnicities that now lies shattered. A few years ago, Nayani, along with other Kuki-Zo women in the hills had founded the Joint Women’s Organisation, a collective that cut across ethnicities, to raise issues of shared civic interests.

As Ema Lungwaleima of Cocomi had explained, “All the ‘mothers’ associations’[an oft-used nomenclature for women’s civil society groups in the North East] would work together: Nagas, Kukis, Meiteis.”

Sitting on a bench outside the relief camp, Nayani said much of it seemed like a “dream now”. “That we even had an organisation, that at one point it was possible,” she said. “Everything changed after May 3.”

She is sceptical about the possibility of Meitei and Kuki women coming together to initiate a peacebuilding process. “This time the situation is very bad. They [the Kukis] are asking for a separate administration…total separation. So even the government cannot control anything, so what can we Meira Paibis do?”

“We can only appeal,” Nayani said. Then she quickly added: “If only I could reach out to the women.”

 

Nights out, closed in: Guwahati is a city where the old and new collide

Guwahati is a city of malls, nightclubs and pride parades as much as leaf-fringed sleepy neighbourhoods where the traditional middle-class once led contained lives. It is also a city where personal freedoms come up against the moral police on TV.

Two years ago, on an ordinary Sunday morning in February, a corner of Dighalipukhuri, a neighbourhood in Guwahati, became the base for a small march. As the tiny group of protesters traversed different localities, shouting slogans, holding banners and even breaking into song and dance, people stood on their balconies and porches watching. Was it a festival? Why were they in masks? Maybe it was a fancy-dress competition. This was the middle-class Axomiya’s first encounter with a pride parade.

That night, on local television, a section of primetime news was dedicated to the parade, described as a “sudden” and “chaotic” display of antics by hijras. Pooja Sharma (name changed to protect privacy), a young woman who took part in the parade, swears she “didn’t give a damn” about what the media said, or who saw her marching down the street holding a poster that said “Lesbian, and proud to be one”. At 21, Sharma is still unsure about coming out to her family. She grew up in a traditional middle-class Assamese home in Sibsagar, a town in upper Assam, much smaller than Guwahati and definitely more conservative. Back in school, when she first started questioning her sexuality, she confided in a friend that she might be a lesbian. “Do you have regular periods?” her friend asked. After that, Sharma guarded what she thought to be her “dirty little secret” for four years, until she heard of Xukia, one of two LGBTQ support groups based in Guwahati. Sharma tries to take little — and probably unnoticed — steps towards telling them: actively supporting Xukia (which her parents think is a support group for transgenders ), changing her “interests” from “men” to “women” on Facebook, making it a point not to wear a mask at the parade. “But I have a long way to go,” she says, “and so does my city.”

Guwahati and its one million plus population are experiencing, like most other Indian cities, the growing pains of change. While over the last decade, high-rise residential and commercial complexes, several malls and nightclubs have come up, it’s a city with a complex modernity, caught between the old and the new.

Perhaps most discernible is the chasm between the conservative middle class and the moneyed upper-class. “It’s the typical change versus tradition predicament the city is grappling with. And more often than not, tradition triumphs,” says journalist Anupam Chakraborty. A few years ago, pubs didn’t allow girls in short skirts to enter on New Year’s Eve. If a woman is seen smoking in public, it might become an item of primetime news tomorrow. And if she is in a pair of shorts, that is it. “Even shorts have a lakshman rekha,” says Chakrapani Parashar with righteous conviction. Parashar is a journalist with Pratidin Times, one of the top three regional television media channels (the other two being DY 365 and News Live) in the state. He is convinced that rape and molestation can ultimately be traced back to the clothes women wear.

Parashar, who comes from the small town of Gohpur in Assam, along with fellow journalist Hemen Rajbongshi conceptualised a news report, aired on Pratidin Times a few months back, which likened girls wearing shorts in public to monkeys. Even primates, the report said, have more sense than these girls who have nothing better to do than “expose”. The video, which shows numerous women in Guwahati walking around in shorts went viral on social media and was criticised by thousands, who demanded that the channel apologise at once. This is the second time that Assam’s television media has found itself in national spotlight for the wrong reasons. In 2012, a gang molestation case left the city shaken. A young woman was molested by at least 12 men, in full public view, outside a bar called Club Mint on the busy GS Road. The incident was recorded and broadcast by News Live.

Like in many other growing cities, a boom in real estate and aspirations is accompanied by an estrangement in social ties. Gone are the days when a walk down the streets meant bumping into at least one familiar face. You no longer catch up with friends at each other’s homes. You go out — a concept that did not exist till about two decades ago. Independence Day doesn’t mean being locked up inside your house, apprehensive that a bomb might go off the moment you step out. It means queuing up outside shops, buying the Tricolour and hoisting it on rooftops and terraces. “It’s far more cosmopolitan than I ever knew it to be,” says Delhi-based author Aruni Kashyap who grew up in Guwahati.

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in September 2015. Full article here.

The story of a night: how a college turned into a jail during the Assam floods

As 80% of Assam was inundated, so was Dhubri District Jail. That meant turning a college into a jail in a couple of hours, escorting 409 prisoners through rising waters to it, in a town under a total blackout, and ensuring no one escaped

The Deluge

The sight that greeted him at Dhubri District Jail on the night of July 15 could have belonged to the thrillers he used to watch as a teenager, says Deputy Superintendent of Police (HQ) Trinayan Bhuyan. “Except, this was no movie. This was real life.”

The rains had lashed continuously for a week and Dhubri town, like 80 per cent of Assam, was inundated. The floodwaters reached Bhuyan’s waist as he stood at the door to the jailor’s office. Inside, a few guards, clutching candles, looked helpless as waters swivelled just a few inches below the jailor’s desk.

“I told them, ‘Do something. Save the files, put them on top of the cabinet’,” says Bhuyan.

“Files? Forget the files. What about the inmates?” one of them shot back at him.

It was then that Bhuyan heard them. Behind, through the wall, there was a low thumping sound and cries of despair: “Save us. Let us out.”

There were 409 of them — men, women, and children — marooned in their cells. “And we had to get them out,” says Bhuyan, 36, who had joined his post in November 2018.

His boss, Superintendent of Police Shri Yuvraj, sent him a text: “Ho paayega (Can it be done)?” Bhuyan remembers being unsure. But he took the Almighty’s name and sent a text back: “Yes, Sir.”

The Transfer

Electricity had been out that entire day in Dhubri town. Earlier that morning, Jintu Borah, an Assam Civil Services officer posted with the district administration, had come to check on the jail. Established in 1965, it was housed in an old Assam-style bungalow and spread over 8 bighas. Within the premises lay a pond and a juvenile jail, which had been empty for years.

Borah had been the jail superintendent earlier, and knew the area well. “When I reached, the water level was just below my knee,” he recalls. “The kitchen had started flooding and the medical unit looked like it was about to.”

With the rain not letting up and the waters rising every hour, the 40-year-old began to work out alternative arrangements. He had heard that many years ago, in a similar episode of flooding, the inmates had been shifted to the District Library, 2 km away. Borah went to check on the library. “It was under water too. Plus, there were security concerns.”

Through the day, Borah waded through the waters, inspected other potential jails and made calls, before realising the answer lay right across the road: Dhubri Girls’ College (established in 1983), housed in a three-storied brick building with high walls and a big gate. “The verandahs too had grilles. And the college was closed for the summer. We had found our designated jail,” says Borah.

But it was already late evening, and before the transfer could begin, the administration had to give the college the form of a jail, turn classrooms into cells. Each floor had eight doors, all of which had to be padlocked, windows double-checked, two giant generators brought in, and entries and exits sealed. The work, including the construction of two bamboo watchtowers, would spill over to the next morning, with 15 workers on the job. “Imagine all of this in the middle of a storm, when practically the entire town was blacked out,” says Bhuyan.

When the transfer finally started at around 10 pm, the police and civil administration, nearly 50 of them in all, formed a human chain across the breadth of the road. Two registers were maintained — one at the original jail, the other at the designated one. One by one, as the handcuffed inmates were led across the road carrying the three things they would need the most, their blankets and a plate and bowl each, their names were jotted down — first on leaving, then on entering. Each prisoner was escorted by a guard each.

“We helped the elderly and sick carry their belongings,” says Bhuyan. Of the eight women prisoners, two had children with them, a two-year-old and a six-year-old. One of the police constables carried the baby in his arms as the mother, a short woman, had water up till her neck.

Bhuyan says that, all through, he and his colleagues had another fear: “Rescue in any case is tricky. But even then, never do you expect that the ones you are rescuing might make a run for it.”

While the policemen were armed, the rules didn’t allow shooting in case someone did try to flee. “That is because many prisoners are under trial and in for petty crimes. However, to ensure they didn’t try something like that, we scared them saying we would fire if anyone tried to run away,” says Bhuyan.

But the fear of nature proved stronger. The criminals, some of them hardened, accused of crimes ranging from theft to rape and murder, did as told. “It dawned on me that they did not want to run. Standing in water all day is a scary thought and all they wanted was to get to drier ground,” says Bhuyan.

As hours passed and the procession continued without incident, the authorities decided to let a guard handle up to four inmates each to speed things up. The transfer ended about eight hours later, at 5 the next morning.

However, just as Bhuyan and the team were about to take a break, a tally of the two registers showed that while 409 prisoners had checked out of the jail, only 408 had made it to the college. One prisoner was missing.

The alarm though proved shortlived. Two prisoners with the same name, Shukur Ali, had been noted down as one.

The Escape

Almost immediately, the officials started getting the new jail into shape. With the ground floor flooded, the prisoners had to be accommodated on the first and second floors, and were told to make their beds with the blankets they had brought.

A kitchen was set up and the “biswashi” or trustworthy prisoners (usually the ones serving life term) roped in. Borah set up a WhatsApp group called ‘Designated Jail Management’, with officials across departments such as the Public Works Department, Assam Power Distribution Company, municipality, police etc.

“This was a way to keep everyone informed. Were the inmates eating? Was anyone sick? Did they need to go to a hospital? Was their electricity?” says Borah. Among those who had dropped in at night was Deputy Commissioner Anant Lal Gyani, and SP Yuvraj. “The thing is everyone, including the prisoners, saw how hard we were all working. That led them to cooperate,” Borah says.

Bhuyan decided to head out to other parts of the flood-hit town, reassured that his work at the district jail was done. But he woke up the next morning to what he had feared all along. A text informed him that an undertrial accused of rape, Hafizur, had escaped.

A ventilator with a broken iron rod on the first floor was suspected to have been the escape route, with Hafizur landing safely on the waters flooding the road below.

The Capture

Then started the hunt through a town that by now resembled a water park, says a local journalist, who did not wish to be named.

Police had little to go on except a photo of Hafizur taken 10 months ago when he was admitted to the jail. Bhuyan says there was no resemblance with that photo now. Plus the geography of Dhubri added to their worries — 40 km away is West Bengal, and 50-60 km by land the border to Bangladesh. “He could escape anywhere,” says Bhuyan.

Bus stations were alerted, railway stations checked, as the team scouted the route on foot, vehicles, even a boat, from Hafizur’s first wife’s house near Dhubri town to his second wife’s mother’s house in Dakshin Dharmashala. “We found that he had reached his second wife’s home the night after his escape. He had told her he was out on bail and that he was going to Delhi,” says Bhuyan. The wife gave police a number that ultimately led them to Rupchand, an ex-convict who Hafizur had made friends with in jail.

Sixty hours later, police found Hafizur sleeping in a house surrounded by water in Fakirganj in neighbouring Goalpara district.

On July 22, a week after they had been shifted, the 409 inmates returned to Dhubri District Jail. This time the transfer was smooth. The rain had abated, the waters receded, and the prisoners took a bus in broad daylight.

Things are slowly getting back to order. The jailor, who did not wish to be named, says, “The office is in a mess. Everything is ulat-palat. But at least the prisoners are back home.”

And that matters, Bhuyan says. “I realise Hafizur’s escape could have made a joke of our efforts. The fact that we had successfully transferred 400-plus people would have been forgotten. The media would only see that one person had escaped.”

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in July 2019. Full article here.

The story of a day-long ‘marriage’

He is 15, she around 60. They got talking on the phone, resulting in a meeting, a ‘forced’ wedding and instant divorce. A month later…
The groom

When he finally got the phone — a second-hand Nokia base model, for just Rs 200 — he thought his fortune would change. He was 15, had never been to school, lived in a two-room hut with his widowed mother and two younger sisters, and was soon to start work as a daily wager. A phone, someone told him, would get him more jobs. What he got, however, was a bride.

In September, says the 15-year-old, the resident of a village in Assam’s Goalpara district, 200 km from Guwahati, he got a missed call. When he dialled back, on the other end was a voice he had never spoken to before.

Over the course of the next month, according to the teenager, that brief ‘wrong call’ turned into long, intent conversations. “I had never really spoken to a girl before. I began falling in love,” he says. The mobile plan he had purchased for Rs 100 allowed him unlimited calls for the month. “I could not take photos or watch videos on my phone, like my friends did. But I could talk.”

Soon the person he was talking to expressed a desire to meet him, claims the minor. “I wanted to bring her back home as my bride,” he says. Her village, even though not too far, fell under Barpeta, a separate administrative district. A date and a time were set.

On the morning of October 17, the boy set off on his cycle to meet the owner of the mysterious voice. “I told her I would wear a blue shirt so she would recognise me.”

His mother, also a daily wager, says she had no idea where her son had gone. “I assumed it was work.” Since her husband died eight years ago, the 35-year-old had raised the children on her meagre earnings, and hoped her son would now pitch in.

The 12-km journey took the 15-year-old almost two hours — the roads were broken, and to get to the island beyond which the person he was going to meet lived, one had to cross the river. In October, the river is mellow and thus, easy to cross — by road, or over the many precarious makeshift dolongs (bridges) across it. The boy crossed several.

When he finally arrived at the address provided by her, he was met by an elderly woman. She asked the boy to wait before serving him lunch. “She fed me rice, telpitha. I ate but I kept asking her where my bride was,” recalls the boy. After lunch, the woman, roughly 60 years old, told him it was her.

The bride

All her life, she has lived in the char chaporis (or simply chars) of the Brahmaputra and its tributaries — growing up here, getting married, becoming a mother of five, grandmother to “several”, and losing her husband. Life in these sandy, shifting islands of Lower Assam, covering nearly 3,600 sq km of the Brahmaputra basin and mainly occupied by the Bengali Muslim community, isn’t easy: flooding almost every monsoon, poverty, lack of development, and the fear of being branded “illegal” or “foreigners”.

 

“Town girls never want to be with char boys. And char girls are always looking to get out,” says the woman.

Even within the ever-changing life of the char, she does not have a home of her own. Her face wrinkled, her few remaining teeth rotten, she says, “I keep moving, from my children’s homes to my neighbours, relatives.”

Her story about how she met the 15-year-old is different.

They met, she says, in September, at a construction site in Bongaigaon, about 100 km away. “He would tell me, ‘Bhabhi, find me a girl. I want to marry’,” she claims. She says she urged him to come to her char. “I said, ‘There are many girls there’.” She also claims she never asked for his name, and doesn’t know it still. “This ‘wrong number’ story is rubbish.”

She says while they exchanged phone numbers, she lost his not knowing how to save it. Then, a month ago, the woman claims, they started talking on the phone and a day was fixed for him to come to the char. “He came, we roamed around the village. He even liked one girl he saw.”

By that time, she says, it was too late for him to return home. “I asked him to spend the night at my place,” she says, adding that she herself was staying at her daughter’s house. “But many people in the char had seen him. Someone started a rumour that a young boy and I were having an affair.”

In the night — and here is where the stories of the teenager and the 60-year-old merge — around 10 men turned up at the woman’s house, allegedly dragged him out and started beating him up. “Our village is full of such people,” says the woman. Her daughter adds, “Yes, they say they are doing it for the village, but they just want trouble.”

No one else in the village wants to talk about the incident now.

As they beat him up, the men asked the teenager about his relationship with the woman. “He blurted out that he loved me,” says the woman. “So, I confessed my love too.”

Was she in love with him? “Of course not. But if I hadn’t said that, they would have killed him,” she says. “It was my duty to save him.”

The marriage

The couple were forced to marry in the “xamajik (accepted)” style. A qazi was called, a little ceremony held, and the teenager spent the night with the woman. Both insist that it was in separate rooms.

The next morning, the 15-year-old took his new “bride” home along the same route as he had arrived — on a cycle, down the rickety roads and the dolongs. She wore a red sari, he the same blue shirt.

When they reached, says the boy’s mother, she was shocked. “I had a daughter-in-law who was older than me.” The local diwanis (self-styled leaders who wield a lot of power in the village) were called.

Shah Jahan Ali, a businessman, says, “The boy told us how they had begun talking on the phone. We weren’t surprised. A few months ago, a woman from Nalbari had showed up claiming she was in love with a man here. Before that, a Nepali woman from Tinsukia married a Muslim man from our village.”

Both were ‘wrong number’ marriages, he says, talking about the phenomenon in rural Assam where phone calls (whether unintended or not) often set off a relationship.

The verdict of the diwanis was that the 15-year-old and the woman should have a “xamajik” divorce. So about two hours after they returned, the two signed some papers in the presence of a qazi. In 15 minutes, their marriage of less than 24 hours was over.

By then, the story of the marriage had spread, first through mobile phones, then local media and TV. “The clip has some 5 lakh views on Facebook,” says a local journalist who broke the story.

Says Ali, “We got enquiries from the local police station, but since the wedding had happened in another district, they did not follow up.” Shah Alam, the Officer-in-charge of Alopoti Char police station, says, “Since no complaint was made, we did not do anything.”

There were reports of the Assam State Commission for Protection of Child Rights taking up the case. But Chairperson Dr Sunita Changkakoti says no one reported it to them.

The divorce

Ali says, “the boy is now famous, as the one who married the widow”.

The 15-year-old’s phone was broken by the villagers that day, and his SIM card destroyed. “I don’t care how much it helps the world but phones are obviously bad,” says his mother. Without a phone, the boy has been trying to find jobs here and there, and the mother adds that he is sullen and talks much lesser now.

The 60-year-old returned to her village the same afternoon as the “divorce”. She says while no one brings up the incident, one thing has changed. Walking barefoot to the market, she shows two things tucked inside her petticoat: a tin of zarda, and a mobile phone. It is dead. “They took away the SIM card that day,” she says. “But I still carry my phone around. It’s a habit I can’t get rid of.”

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in November 2018. Full article here.

Manipur Elections 2022: Nagas have NPF, Meities are dominant, what do Kukis have? Now, a party and hope

Come February 28, when 38 out of 60 constituencies of Manipur go to polls, taking on big players like the BJP and the Congress will be the little-known KPA, formed by two retired bureaucrats, a practising doctor and a lawyer.

In June 2021, about 200 people gathered at a community hall in southwest Manipur’s Churachandpur, often referred to as the heartland of the state’s Kuki tribe. As people from Kangpokpi, Tengnoupal and other Kuki-dominated districts poured in, fiery speeches were made. At the end of the two-hour-long meeting, the Kuki People Alliance (KPA) was born.

Come February 28, when 38 out of 60 constituencies of Manipur go to polls, taking on big players like the BJP and the Congress will be the little-known KPA, formed by two retired bureaucrats, a practising doctor and a lawyer.

With the KPA contesting only two seats (Saikul in Kangpokpi district and Singhat in Churachandpur district), it is unlikely to have much of an impact on the results. But its formation is a significant development in Manipur’s political landscape, where tribal aspirations play a major role.

Says Gracy Lamkholhing, a 25-year-old Churachandpur-based teacher, who was at the meeting in Vegnom Hall that day: “A political platform for the Kukis was the need of the hour.”

Distinct from the Meitei-dominated valley, the hills of Manipur are home to two major tribal groups – the Nagas and Kuki-Zomi tribes. The latter falls under the larger ‘Zo’ ethnic umbrella, which has a presence in India, Myanmar and in Chittagong hill tracks of Bangladesh. Apart from the Kukis, smaller Zomi tribes, like Gangte, Kom, Mate, Paite, Simte, Tedim Chin, Zou and Vaiphei, also make up the diverse landscape of Churachandpur.

While the Naga movement is the country’s longest-running insurgency, underground Kuki groups, too, have fought the Indian government for an ‘independent Kuki homeland’, spread across Manipur.

Lamkholhing remembers that she first heard of this “homeland” when she was five, when a bomb went off near her home. Twenty years later, all the Kuki underground groups are in talks with the Centre. And, Lamkholhing feels, priorities have changed. “We need jobs, we need development, we need our voices to be heard. Without a political party, you can’t achieve anything.”

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in February 2022. Full article here.

Explained: Behind the unprecedented pre-monsoon devastation in Assam

While the monsoons are yet to arrive, Assam has already been beset by floods and landslides that have left 15 people dead and more than 7 lakh affected.

The monsoons bring destruction to Assam like a clockwork almost every year. However, this year, while the monsoons are yet to arrive, the state has already been beset by floods and landslides that have left 15 people dead and more than 7 lakh affected. The hill district of Dima Hasao, in particular, has been ravaged by flash floods and landslides, with connectivity to the rest of the state snapped.

Assam floods: What is behind this unprecedented devastation?

Experts point out that there are a combination of factors. First, extraordinarily acute pre-monsoon rains. While the average rainfall for the period of March 1 to May 20 in Assam is 434.5 mm, the corresponding number for this year is 719 mm. That amounts to a 65 per cent excess. That is a “large excess”, according to the Indian Meteorological Department. The neighbouring state of Meghalaya has recorded an even greater excess: of 137 per cent.

“Normally we have rains coming in June and July when we experience big floods,” said Dr DC Goswami, an eminent environmentalist and a retired professor of hydrology from the Gauhati University. “This time it has come with a bang. The difference is the timing and scale.” Goswami attributed the changes in “rainfall intensity, arrival and departure times” to climate change.

Partha Jyoti Das, who heads the Water, Climate and Hazard Division of the Guwahati-based environment non-profit Aaranyak, concurred. “Because of climate change, there are more and more concentrated rain and heavy rainfall episodes,” said Das.

He added that it was even more worrisome since the southwest monsoons were expected early (end May) in the northeast region this year. “There may be little respite between the recession of this pre-monsoonal flood and the advent of the first monsoonal flood surge, especially in Assam,” he said.

But it is not just floods that have wreaked destruction. There have been several episodes of landslides, especially in south Assam’s Dima Hasao and Cachar districts. At least three people have been buried alive in Dima Hasao’s Haflong. In a particularly horrific incident, mudslides washed away a portion of the rail tracks that connect the south of Assam with the rest of the country. The New Haflong railway station was also severely damaged with bogeys of a train at the station overturning under the force of landslide-induced debris. Portions of the road connecting Guwahati to Dima Hasao, and beyond to Barak Valley districts, have caved in.

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in  May 2022. Full article here.

A Letter From Silchar, Assam: Down a town, on a boat with a body

Nine days after Silchar saw its worst flood, water lies stagnant, power supply is still out at some places, officials are struggling with rescue, and people have questions over if things will ever change.

Every resident of Silchar has a story of the “bejaan jol”, or the big flood, that hit the south Assam town on June 20.

“(The water was) Up to my waist,” says the taxi-driver, driving us from the airport to the town. “It came up to my neck,” says the manager at our hotel. The project officer at the Cachar district disaster management, our third stop, holds up his left arm and says: “This high, for seven days.”

Nine days after the deluge hit, the main road that cuts through the heart of Silchar— the second-most populous town in Assam — is choked with traffic, its sidewalks teeming with pedestrians, and its restaurants open, as are shops that sell chunky earrings.

That an unprecedented flood, which most describe as “worst in their memory”, had submerged the road a few days back, is hard to imagine at first glance. But the signs are everywhere: in the big trucks with banners that read ‘on flood relief duty’, in the marks the water has left on boundary walls, in the shop fronts that have furniture stacked on top of each other, in the white-canopied medical camps. And in the conversations.

Officials admit that in the beginning, there was a complete sense of “helplessness”. “The scale of the disaster was too big. There were not enough boats, not enough manpower,” says a district disaster management official. “The water increased suddenly. People have not experienced that before, and neither have we.”

At Fatak Bazaar, the wholesale market that is the commercial nerve centre of three Barak Valley districts, a man recounts to bystanders his close shave with a “gang of thieves”, who tried to rob his home during the flood. At Maya Hotel, one of the town’s oldest restaurants, famous for its Sylheti-style fish curry, the cashier can’t help recalling, as he accepts payment from customers: “Ki bejaan jol!… What big waters!”

Residents say the water came “first slowly, then suddenly” on the afternoon of June 20, following a suspected breach at the Bethukandi embankment along the Barak river the previous day.

In a matter of hours, the river — which flows through Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram and Assam before entering Bangladesh — came rushing into the town, and in some cases, reached up to the first floors of buildings.

This article was originally published in The Indian Express in July 2022. Full article here.